Contested sacred places – the case of Axum town in northern Ethiopia

Introduction 

According to Mohammed Dejan 2016, Christianity was first introduced to Axum kingdom in the 4^th century and started as orthodox Christianity. It is perceived that before its spread, King Ezna was the first convert in 340 AD. Regardless of its early entrance in Ethiopia, the religion remained only in the circles of royal families for over 150 year. Here, it remained the official state religion until the imperial regime was overthrown in 1974. Although this period of over a thousand years the Ethiopian Orthodox Church maintained the state religion status and played a great role in the country’s politics as there was no distinction between Ethiopian nationality and the Orthodox Church dogmas. Therefore, it was the identifying factor for the socio-political and cultural life of the indigenous ethnic groups. It enjoyed great privilege over other religions, these includes, obtaining tax free land as they required no registration to obtain legal personality, celebrating their holidays in public places and graced by government officials (Budge, 2014). 

On the other hand, Protestants entered Ethiopia in mid 19^th century through missionaries. Their mission activities were restricted by the imperial regime only to preaching to the non-Christian populace.  It was only possible after Emperor Haile Selassie’s tentative compassion of converting pagans into Christianity; his goal was to unite the whole country under Christianity. He introduced a policy that allowed evangelization in open areas and thus Protestants were encouraged to conduct their missionary activities (Assen, 2016).  Though both protestant and orthodox are both Christianity religion, there lies some differences and similarities that result into conflict between the two denominations. They both believe in the Holy trinity and the second coming of Jesus. However, while the orthodox worship and adore angels and Mary as their mediators the protestant do not believe in that. Basically, the protestant disregard the mediatory role of Mary and saints while the Orthodox has special emphasis on the same. Thus there lies an antagonistic relation between the two with the Orthodox labeling the protestant as non-believers and the protestant working harder to reconvert the orthodox. 

Islam religion is the second largest in the country, it first come to Axum in the 7^th century. This followed the immigration of followers of Prophet Mohammed during his life time. New convert of Prophet Mohammed escaped to Ethiopia as they ran from the Quraysh Arab prosecution in Arabia. This come to be the historic Hijirah, these first immigrants played a great role in the propagation of the religion in the country, while Muslim religious clerics who came through traders played a greater role in its expansion (Budge, 2014). Nevertheless, even with mass followers, they remained remote from Ethiopian politics for many years and thus played no active role in politics and governmental institutions. They were regarded as second class citizens and more often viewed as aliens in foreign land. Throughout Ethiopian history, government encouraged religious and cultural assimilation so as to forge unity all at the expense of Muslims. This proved futile since it received discontent and protest from Muslims especially in the 1960s. In particular, they opposed the status quo of Ethiopian Orthodox Christian as a State religion. Their fight received some sympathizers from the Christian religion and thus their push for religious parity was more vibrant (Assen, 2016). During the Derg era, there were fears that Ethiopian Muslims would collaborate with other neighboring Muslim countries and cause a revolution. Things got better with the military government, through its decrees and official orders it was clear that all Ethiopians were to avoid any form of religious differences and work as a united nation. The government declared religion as a private matter and thus cautioned religious fanaticism and prejudice. To effect this freedom, for the first time three Muslim holidays were declared national holidays with their celebration taking place in public places (Assen, 2016). Nevertheless, this freedom was granted not with regard to their right but as far as they served the regime’s policies of spreading socialism among other political interests. 

      It was not until the regime change in 1995 that there was religious equality and freedom that was fully-fledged in the county’s legal system though it faced difficulties in implementation. The 1995 constitution guarantees freedom of religion and brings forth secularism as a constitutional principle. However, this freedom was limited to protecting peace, public safety, education, health, public morality among other fundamental human rights and freedom. Taking advantage of this religious freedom Muslim spread across the country (Assen, 2016). Nevertheless, due to the long attachment to Orthodox Christianity, implementation of the constitutional freedom of religion is still challenged especially by the Muslim community. The journey for Islamic religion in Ethiopia has not been easy due to the prevalence of Christianity and their dominance in the government.

Why Muslims are unable to build a mosque in Axum, Fight between Christians and Muslims

Axum is perceived to be the origin of religion in Ethiopia since both Christianity and Islamic religion has their roots here. However, their lies no Mosque in Axum a concept that various Muslim scholars and activists have tried to address from varying point of views. On returning from USA, Jawar Mohammed gave a controversial speech concerning the Oromo and various issues concerning the Ethiopian Muslim a topic that was critique by Mesfin Negash (Negash, 2014). Among the issues was an argument against a Mosque in Axum. The argument has been left in question form for the readers to answer. It would be convenient for the discussion if it had been stated clearly and directly. Nevertheless, it is essential to look at the three questions and discuss them as related to Mosque in Axum. 

First; 

Is it an earthly goal that must be fought against Mecca or a synagogue, a mosque in the Vatican, etc.? (Negash, 2014).

For a long time, this has been the core argument and reason against a mosque in Axum. Comparing the case of Axum with that of demanding a church in Makah or demanding a mosque in Vatican is outrageous and naive. Muslims living in Axum are not foreigners as one may consider demeaning them; they are natives in this land. From the 7^th century they have lived here no longer as refugees but as owners of the land inherited to them from their forefathers. Nevertheless, they are still denied the right to have a mosque even in the current multi-religious Secular Ethiopia, considering that Axum is not considered as a Christian state where they would have different form of law and governance. There lies a general notion that Ethiopian Muslims have a burden of relating why Saudis do not allow church in Makah, in reflection, Ethiopians Muslims though citizens of the land they live under conditions on what other Muslims do in other regions. This reason against a mosque in Axum is unjust, as the explanation of such an injustice in comparison to another in different region is unjustifiable. The context ought to be discussed restrictively within the borders of modern secular Ethiopia as well as the rights of its citizen. It is insignificant to place local legal matters at a different level and indulging into transcendental religious identities which do not draw a common conclusion (Feyissa, & Lawrence, 2014). This is in regard to comparing the Axumite Muslims with those of other countries disregarding the diversion of interest and histories. This approach will not help in understanding and addressing the menace. To the contrary, it complicates things by showing prejudice to Ethiopian Muslims. In questioning the nationality of Ethiopian Muslim, there lacks honesty and shows lack of integrity to principles. Let us consider Muslims in Harar for example, arguing that Harar is the historical city for Islam and no Church should be allowed in it including the Native Harari Christians (Feyissa, & Lawrence, 2014).  Would such a scenario be considered acceptable and rational in comparison to the Nation’s multi-religious policy? This will look naive for someone to compare the demands of indigenous Christians to have a church here with non-native as well as non-citizens in Vatican who arrived just some few years demanding a Mosque in that non-secular city. 

Precisely, Axum Mosque case can be compared neither to Makah nor to Vatican since the Axumite Muslims are natives and citizens in this land and moreover, Ethiopia is a secular country that encourages multi-religion (Assen, 2016). However, if there are historical or cultural reasons for not allowing the construction of a mosque, then this would apply in the case of Harar not allowing the construction of church. Such a reason will add suspicion and competition based on religious identities hence adding more animosity and makes the situation more complex. It endangers societal cohesion in addition to the general well being of the country. 

Second:

If a mosque is built on the Axum, what is the triumph of victory for an Ethiopian Muslim? (Negash, 2014).

Though the question here is not outright, it’s wrong if it is an attempt to insinuate Muslims’ pleasure in dishonoring the culture and history of the church. Otherwise, such a question would not be asked if not trying to bring about another contradicting issue. Otherwise, how would one fail to relate the concern of Muslims in other parts to those in Axum, it is not essential to raise emotional sentiments by twisting simple legal issues. Nevertheless, responding to the question, Ethiopian Muslim are concerned about a mosque in Axum since it is a concern of justice and also shared religious as well as national identity (Assen, 2016). Similarly, Orthodox Christians are concerned with issues affecting Orthodox Christians in Egypt even though they do not share a country. The case of Axum is not just about the people’s right, shared religion, justice and national identity but rather put in question the citizenship of Ethiopian Muslim. Alternatively, we can change it and ask it back, what a triumphant victory for an Ethiopian Christian who does not live in the area.

Third;

What if the creation of jihad by the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo is not the same as the Muslim Brotherhood of Ethiopia? (Negash, 2014).

    Jawar did not say Ethiopian Muslims as a community have such a future agenda of seizing power and build a mosque in Axum. There is no secret agenda as the question portrays. It is a case some Muslims from other parts of Ethiopia have been publicly pushing. There is no scheme about it and as such. It shouldn’t be escalated to the extent of ‘Ethiopian Muslims agenda of the future’. Jawar’s point was not about seizing power so as to build a mosque in Axum (Abbink, 2014). He was trying to highlight for minority Muslims that the fact of having strong sisters and brothers in the neighborhood will earn them respect and dignity preventing them from mistreatment.  

The reasons that have been raised against building a mosque in Axum do not suffice the urge to have one. Though Muslims came here as refugees and had no intention of living here, they ought not to be treated as refugees any longer. Considering that they have been accorded citizenship in this land they as well need to enjoy their right to worship. Nevertheless, to maintain the conventionally value that it was Christians living here who gave them refuge, they have to accord necessary respect to their host. The issue remains contentious on what purpose it will serve, either to help fulfill their right to worship or a show of might for the Muslim community in Ethiopia (Adem, Hawas, Seid, & Hussein, 2018). On the other hand, denial for a space to build a Mosque in Axum by the Christians raises question of whether it is to protect their indigenous culture or a show of dominance. 

     Having been hosted by Christian at Axum Muslims owe them respect, additionally, just as the place holds the country’s history it should as well be the source of national integration of the diverse religions. Building a Mosque here will serve in enhancing social interaction among the communities (Budge, 2014). However, this should not be at the cost of Christians living here but rather as way to make everyone feel welcome and at ease to live with each other. National values that encourages a multi-religious Nation has its roots here, similarly, today the same should be spreading to other parts originating from here but it is not the case since there lacks one religious structure which is a symbol of their presence. 

       Freedom of religion was provided by the 1995 constitution, previously freedom of worship was guaranteed in the 1930 and 1955 constitution, although in some locality this was not respected. There is no state religion and is forbidden to have political parties based on religion. There have been great moments of tension between Christians and Muslims in the country. In the 7^th AD the Christians and Muslims lived harmoniously in Axum with no fight (Abbink, 2014). In March 2011, 55 churches were burned in the Jimma Zone by Muslims after a dispute arose between the two. The tension has been between the two rival religions considering that they hold antagonist believe. With Christians holding the most powerful positions in government and at some point in time it was a state religion. It was not until the appointment of Dr Abiy as the Prime Minister that the tension subsided and the two religions are ready to live in harmony. 

Conclusion

  Bunare, & Lulu, 2018 State that, the present Ethiopia need a regime change and not a game of regime musical chairs. What is required is Structural change, fundamental change from conman-ship to democracy. What is needed is transformational change which ends the culture of corruption, cronyism and nepotism. The country needs the ability to hold those responsible for crimes against corruption and humanity accountable. An escalation and intensification of nonviolent struggle through civil action and resistance is needed the more (Bunare, & Lulu, 2018). He writes this in anticipation of a better leadership by Dr Abiy Ahmed. From his writing, the country has faced several protest but all in vain as the previous administration did not listen to their plea. Though the constitution clearly states that every citizen has the freedom of speech and expression and should be heard by the government of the day.

Human rights are indivisible; they are citizens’ rights that they ought to enjoy regardless of their ethnicity or religious affiliation. The previous ethnic federal system failed to create a socioeconomic and political cohesion (Bunare, & Lulu, 2018). This led to sporadic episodes of elite led and financed conflicts that led to huge financial, environmental and human cost. The governments were not able to resolve the problems since the federal nor were the regional and local governments willing to deal with the root cause. The system imposed by TPLF in early 90s was deliberate in crafting as well as imposing ethnic divide for financial and political benefit of a few. During these days, TPLF excluded multiethnic parties hence making way for 27 years of corruption and massive illicit outflow by deploying the tool of ethnic divide and rule (Bunare, & Lulu, 2018). There grew animosity amongst people and they could not live together as one Nation, discrimination with regard to ethnicity and religion become rampant which resulted to strained religious freedom. 

It is significant to acknowledge the numerous political, policy, constitutional, cultural, environmental and structural changes the people of Ethiopia have faced. It was not until Dr Abiy was appointed the prime minister; the country was literally captured on the verge of Balkanization in addition to ethnic war and conflagration (Ylönen, 2019). The old guard captured the state power and with no direction they resolved to resist the will of the people. Even with the appointment of Dr Abiy, they felt that the status quo would be maintained (Bunare, & Lulu, 2018). To the contrary, Dr Abiy who was a Member of the Ethiopia’s Cheetah Generation was ready to change the country for better.

The most constrained right was ‘freedom of expression’ with the internet world being the most affected. After assumption of power several things happened; 

• Internet access was improved 
• Social media access was restored
• Blocked website become accessible, reflecting the new governments openness to critical and independent voices
• Hundreds of political prisoners were released
• Ended war with Eritrea (Ylönen, 2019)

This internet freedom signaled a new era of ultimate democracy where the rule of law prevailed. Dr Abiy Ahmed becomes the first person to change the perspective and spectrum of the Ethiopian politics (Ylönen, 2019). He has been in the forefront preaching peace and unity and meeting activist and rebellious groups. 

These steps are in good faith for religious freedom which initially was hindered by ethnicity and discrimination. Through enhancing freedom of expression, one can declare his or her religious belief without fear of being imprisoned or exiled. The Prime Minister has created an environment where citizens can interact without conflict or religious animosity (Ylönen, 2019). Being raised by multi-religious parent where his father is a Muslim and mother a Christian he understands best what the society needs to stand united. His quest for unity and harmony is undisputable as he even called for a democratic election, the first of its kind. As a result, a country that was at the brink of division is coming together by following the Prime Minister’s footstep. His fight against corruption and nepotism is endless as he looks towards bringing sanity to a nation that has not known it for the past 27 years (Adem, Hawas, Seid, & Hussein, 2018). He fights to bring back the lost glory of a country that championed independence of African countries from their colonial masters. Though encompassed with some resistance from the old guard, a majority of the Ethiopians welcome the fundamental changes. Looking forward, this huge human and social capital requires massive investment in new factories, modern farming among other key sectors. This is also achievable with good macro-economic policies and designing an industrialization program taking advantage of the youthful population and its natural resources. Dr Abiy opened a new dawn for Ethiopia an experience that they had not hard for decades. Peace has been prevalent in the country with its people acknowledge the new regime that has brought about positive change. Both Christians and Muslims can now enjoy freedom of worship that was conditioned in previous regimes; it is no longer just in the Country’s constitution just for records but also being practiced for the good of its citizens. 

References

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Adem, A., Hawas, M., Seid, A., & Hussein, A. (2018). Ethiopia.

Assen, M. (2016). Contested Secularism in Ethiopia: The Contention between Muslims and the Government.

Budge, E. W. (2014). A history of Ethiopia. In A History of Ethiopia: Volume I (Routledge Revivals) (pp. 35-38). Routledge.

Bunare, E., & Lulu, S. (2018). Proposed New Ethiopian Government Administrative Boundary System for Unified Nation Building.

Feyissa, D., & Lawrence, B. B. (2014). Muslims Renegotiating Marginality in Contemporary E thiopia. The Muslim World, 104(3), 281-305.

Handiso, B. W. (2015). Genocide of thought: censorship in Ethiopia. Uitgeverij Fosfor.

Negash, M (2014). On Jawar’s Ethnocentric Sentiment. 

Tolera, A. (2017). Interrogating Religious Plurality and Separation of State and Religion in Ethiopia. Eastern Africa Social Science Research Review, 33(1), 39-72.

Trimingham, J. S. (2013). Islam in Ethiopia. Routledge.

Ylönen, A. (2019). From demonisation to rapprochement: Abiy Ahmed’s early reforms and implications of the coming together of Ethiopia and Eritrea. Global Change, Peace & Security, 1-9.